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A RESPONSE TO THE ARTICLE ON EXPLAINING THE PARADOX OF INTERNAL PARTY INSTABILITY AND POLITICAL STABILITY FROM 2012 TO 2017: HOW DO WE SECURE INTEGRITY AND POLITICAL STABILITY

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This article was in response to a analysis by UPNG Lecturer in Political Science and my close colleague, Mr. Michael Kabuni
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  A RESPONSE TO THE ARTICLE ON EXPLAINING THE PARADOX OFINTERNAL PARTY INSTABILITY AND POLITICAL STABILITY FROM2012 TO 2017:HOW DO WE SECURE INTEGRITY AND POLITICAL STABILITY?BY JOELSON ANEREAID COORDINATOR - ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK AND WORLDBANK DESKS, MULTILATERAL BRANCH, FOREIGN AID DIVISION,POLICY WING, DEPARTMENT OF NATIONAL PLANNING ANDMONITORING 1. Introduction  This article, distilled in diplomatic spirit, is a balanced response to a my colleague, Mr. Michael Kabuni’s, spirited academic and critical line of questioning of whether or not the Organic Law on the Integrity of Politidcal Parties (OLIPPAC) and Candidates fulfilled for all purposesand intentions its main objective of regulating the behavior of politicalparties and candidates during and after elections, with the view tomaintaining compliance with the provisions of the organic law, andthus ensuring their integrity as well as achieving political stability. 2. Body The OLIPPAC and The Political System   The real test of the OLIPPAC lies in the executive-legislature relationsand in the conduct of general elections, and to a lesser extent, localgovernment elections. It is fair to say that the OLIPPAC has contributedenormously to political and executive stability since 2002 by restrictingindependent Members of Parliament from voting against the PrimeMinister, any government budget, or amendment to the Constitution oran organic law, on the floor of Parliament, if they have voted for thePrime Minister, during the life of a Parliament. There has been general stability in the relations between the legislatureand the executive, although threats of motions of no-confidence in thePrime Minister have been made by the Opposition, for example, in 2009and in March 2010. To the extent that no vote of no-confidence tookplace between 2002 to 2007, from 2007 Elections to present, it is fair tosay that there has been general stability in the part of the executivegovernment as well.While political stability has been achieved, I do note my colleague,Michael Kabuni’s spirited critical argument that the Organic Law onPolitical Parties and Candidates is not effective in regulating the  behavior of political parties and candidates during and after elections,as well as before and after the grace period.In keeping with diplomatic etiquette, I believe and continue to believethat the very reason for the OLIPPAC ineffectiveness and inefficiency lies in the need to reintroduce a revised Organic Law on Political Partiesand Candidates that addresses those provisions in the Organic Lawthat were deemed unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in Sections50, 51, 52 and 53 of the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Partiesand Candidates. Without the revised Organic Law on Political Partiesand Candidates 2018 (Amended Version) and its effective enforcementby the Registrar of the Integrity of Political Parties and CandidatesCommission, the OLIPPAC Law is a  “tootles tiger”. 3. Conclusion In sum, the OLIPPAC should make it illegal for candidates to distributemoney to voters, from the time when writs for elections are issued, tothe time when writs are returned, for any purpose. It should also makeit an offence to use or display illegal weapons during the same period. There should be clear enforcement mechanisms and processesregarding money politics and guns at every step of the election processright up to the formation of government. Both offenses should beaccompanied by heavy penalties which the Registrar of Political Partiesand Candidates Commission, failed to resolve, today. 4. References i. Anere, Ray. The OLIPPAC and the Political System in Papua NewGuinea, pp.31, OLIPPAC Volume 1., June, 2011, Port Moresby,Papua New Guinea.
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