Documents

Connelly on the Parthenon Frieze

Description
Description:
Categories
Published
of 2
All materials on our website are shared by users. If you have any questions about copyright issues, please report us to resolve them. We are always happy to assist you.
Related Documents
Share
Transcript
  10/6/2019 Connelly on the Parthenon Friezehttps://www.reed.edu/humanities/110Tech/ParthenonFriezeConnelly.html 1/2 The Parthenon Frieze Joan B. Connelly's re-interpretation of the Parthenon frieze appears in the American Journal of Archaeology,AJA 100 [1996] 53-80. Here is an uncritical summary of her arguments, followed by a few questions. Summary The traditional interpretation, identifying the frieze as the Panathenaic procession, goes back to the eighteenthcentury travelers Stuart & Revett. It has two main points of vulnerability. First, some items are missing whichwould be expected: e.g. kanephoroi (women carrying reed baskets), allies shown as tribute bearers, hoplites, thesacred trireme. Second, the violation of convention (having a contemporary scene where there should be amythological one) would be severe and anomalous. Some scholars have met these objections by supposing thatwe have an srcinal Panathenaia retrojected into mythic time.C's solution begins with the peplos panel on the east frieze. She holds that it represents the mythical kingErechtheus, together with his wife Praxithea and their three daughters. Our main Athenian source for this mythconsists of the fragments of Euripides' play Erechtheus.  One large fragment is preserved by the orator Lycurgus( Against Leocrates, 101 ) and another is preserved on papyrus (Sorbonne 2328 = Recherches de Papyr. 4, 1967, pp. 11-67). The myth can be reconstructed as follows: Erechtheus' new city is threatened by a rival, Eumolpusthe son of Poseidon (whose gift of a spring was rejected in favor of Athena's olive). Delphi says Erechtheus mustsacrifice his daughter to save the city. The three girls make a pact that if one of them must die they will all die.The youngest is sacrificed and the city wins the battle, though Erechtheus himself is swallowed by anearthquake; the other girls will die later. Athena directs the queen, Praxithea, to honor the dead girls with asacred precinct on the Acropolis.On the peplos panel, there are 5 figures. Left to right, we have two girls, a woman, a bearded man, and a smaller child of indeterminate sex. C first suggests that the woman, usually identified as the priestess of Athena, isPraxithea the wife of Erechtheus. She wants to identify the bearded man (traditionally seen as a priest or as theArchon Basileus) as Erechtheus himself, with the attributes of a sacrificing priest. She says the bearded man'stunic is ungirt like that of priests about to sacrifice; but in her parallels, the men are holding knives (and the bearded man on the Parthenon frieze is not). She maintains convincingly that the smaller child at the right must be a girl. There is no known role for a boy even in the peplos ritual. The traditional interpretation says this girl isone of the arrephoroi; but they always appear elsewhere in pairs. C argues, also convincingly, that a girl's nude buttock on display at the culminating moment of this sacred ritual (involving the peplos and Athena's statue)would be offensive to the Athenians. The nudity must be purposeful; it is not Athena's peplos but rather Erechtheus' youngest daughter changing her clothes to be sacrificed. But C does not want the Erechtheiddaughter preparing to be sacrificed nude. Parallels for the sacrifice of the virginal daughters of kings areadduced: Iphigeneia, Makaria, Polyxena. C wants to argue that such victims should be clad in a special kind of robe which works like a straightjacket. A wrapped-up Polyxena (as she appears on a 6th century Tyrrhenianamphora) provides her strongest parallel for this form of dress of the human sacrificial victim.The stools carried by the two girls at left are traditionally thought to be for the priestess and the Archon to sit on, but C adduces parallels for stools used as shelves for clothing. The gods and goddesses seated at right are turnedaway because it is unseemly for them to watch mortals die. The procession is the first commemorative sacrificein honor of Erechtheus and his daughters. The nine or ten men usually seen as the eponymous heroes or as thearchons are generic elders. The chariots and the lack of hoplites in the procession accord with the idea that this isan army of the distant past, not a fifth century army. The cavalry evoke the distant past. The young men withhorses evoke the sense of ephebes at the dokimasia. The Thracian caps are booty taken from the defeatedThracians in Eumolpus' army.The Pandora whose birth was represented at the base of the chryselephantine Athena was not Hesiod's Pandora but rather a daughter of Erechtheus. C finds some parallels for the kosmos (or dressing scene) of Pandora; hence  10/6/2019 Connelly on the Parthenon Friezehttps://www.reed.edu/humanities/110Tech/ParthenonFriezeConnelly.html 2/2 she suggests that the littlest girl on the Parthenon peplos scene is Pandora. However, the mythographictradition was fairly confused about the names, numbers, and even sexes of the children of Erechtheus.C further suggests that the west room of the Parthenon was believed to rest upon the tombs of the maidens, because in the papyrus fragment Euripides has Athena directing that a precinct be established where the girls are buried. So the name Parthenon is explained by C as a genitive plural ( the place of the maidens ) rather than,as it usually explained, being formed from Athena's epithet Parthenos. Indeed, C thinks the local epithetParthenos for Athena results from her being conflated with the Erechtheid girl. The Panathenaic festival was notsrcinally a celebration of Athena's birthday, as is usually thought, but rather elaborate funeral games for thedaughters of Erechtheus, who (she suggests) had a hero-cult on the Acropolis. Finally, she returns to the foldedcloth. The usage of Athena's peplos in some ways suggests a funerary shroud; so the real peplos or peploialluded to the one depicted on the Parthenon frieze, which however was not a representation of it but rather of the Erechtheid girl's bridal/funereal wrap. In fifth century ritual the arrephoroi weave the peplos; the pair of girlsat left on the peplos scene thus evokes the arrephoroi. Questions The strengths of C's interpretation are evident. What are its weaknesses? First, conceiving of the procession asseparated in time from the scene on the peplos slabs is perhaps a weak link ( the central scene may be read asa sort of flashback, p. 67). In the fragment of the play on papyrus, Athena instructs Praxithea to establish aritual in honor of the girls. But are there parallels from architectural sculpture of the Classical period for this sortof temporal disjunction? Does it not seem more likely that whatever is depicted on the frieze, it all takes place atone time? Why not just suggest that the procession is somehow part of the same ritual event in which thesacrifice takes place? Second, is it reasonable to have a royal family so prominently celebrated by democraticPeriklean Athens? C does not deal with this at length; she says that the Erechtheids in fact conform to democratic social ideology because they put the city's needs ahead of their own family (and she attributes thisargument to R. Seaford, note 124).Third, what about the clothing of the human sacrificial victim? It appears from Aeschylus Agamemnon, 239 that Iphigeneia is imagined as unclad at the moment of being sacrificed. Is she also unclad on the white-groundlekythos by Douris of c. 470 BC (ARV(2) 446.266, mislabeled as 226 in C's note 84)? Polyxena too tears off thetop of her robe in preparation for the knife (Euripides Hecuba, 555-562  ). Polyxena is probably the weakest of C's three parallels for the royal virgin sacrifice, since she is not sacrificed to save a city (Troy has already fallen) but to appease the ghost of Achilleus. But it is Polyxena who (as she appear on the 6th century Tyrrhenianamphora) provides C's strongest parallel for the dressing up of the human sacrificial victim. Is there anyinconsistency here? On the one hand, C wants the exposed buttock of the Erechtheid girl to evoke the nudity of the sacrificial victim. But at the same time she wants the moment depicted to be prior to the actual sacrifice.Erechtheus does not even have the knife in his hand yet. C focuses on bridal clothing and funereal clothing,invoking the bride of death paradigm; but this episode would be first and foremost a sacrifice. Does it makesense to assimilate the robe to bridal or funereal wear if Pandora is going to remove or tear it before she dies?Does it make sense to say the gods are turned away because it is unseemly for them to see humans being killed,when (as C reads the panel) the victim is not dying, but merely preparing to die?© 1996 by David L. Silverman, all rights reserved. Hum 11c | Reed Classics | Reed Library | Reed | Perseus
Search
Tags
Related Search
We Need Your Support
Thank you for visiting our website and your interest in our free products and services. We are nonprofit website to share and download documents. To the running of this website, we need your help to support us.

Thanks to everyone for your continued support.

No, Thanks
SAVE OUR EARTH

We need your sign to support Project to invent "SMART AND CONTROLLABLE REFLECTIVE BALLOONS" to cover the Sun and Save Our Earth.

More details...

Sign Now!

We are very appreciated for your Prompt Action!

x