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Integrated Development Planning in South Africa: lessons from the Dwars River Valley

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Post-apartheid South Africa has brought about internationally acclaimed legislation that promotes social equity and environmental sustainability. This paper presents findings of research conducted in the Municipality of Stellenbosch on the
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  Integrated Development Planning in South Africa:Lessons from the Dwars River Valley Corrine Cash & Larry Swatuk  # Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010 Abstract Post-apartheid South Africa has brought about internationally acclaimedlegislation that promotes social equity and environmental sustainability. This paper  presents findings of research conducted in the Municipality of Stellenbosch on theeffectiveness of the participatory planning model, the Integrated Development Plan(IDP). While post-apartheid accomplishments are noteworthy, power dynamics andfiscal insecurity continue to shape outcomes. Innovative coalitions have emerged,instilling hope that true participation is possible after trust between all stakeholdersmends historical tensions. Keywords IntegratedDevelopmentPlanning.Publicparticipation.SouthAfrica  Introduction South African planning practice has been shaped by a history of entrenchedinequality where land and resources were used as tools to further apartheid Urban ForumDOI 10.1007/s12132-010-9107-4The authors wish to thank the participants in this research and hope that the findings prove useful inmoving forward. They also acknowledge the useful comments and criticisms from the editors andanonymous reviewers of the journal.C. Cash ( * )School of Planning, Faculty of Environment, University of Waterloo, 200 University Avenue West,Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3G1, Canada e-mail: ccash@uwaterloo.ca L. Swatuk School of Environment, Enterprise and Development, Faculty of Environment,University of Waterloo, 200 University Avenue West, Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3G1, Canada e-mail: lswatuk@uwaterloo.ca   (Harrison2007; Harrison et al.2008). While apartheid South Africa planning  practice encompassed the Rational Comprehensive Model 1 (RCM), in post-apartheid South Africa a new set of plans have been adopted and adapted frominternational practice to reach national goals of social equality, environmentalsustainability, and basic services for all. Post-apartheid practice promotes participatory planning “ to create a socially equitable and environmentallysustainable society ” (Government of South Africa 1994).The once wealthier and White-dominated Municipality of Stellenbosch, located inthe Province of the Western Cape now encompasses settlements that were situatedon poor land with only limited access to basic services and water resources. After apartheid ended in 1994, all the needs of stakeholders and communities had to beintegrated in order to achieve the overall goal of social equity and environmentalsustainability. The Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) of 1994 is themain socioeconomic policy framework aiming to eradicate apartheid discriminationand build a democratic, non-racial, non-sexist future (African National Congress2009). The RDP promotes a people-driven process whereby all citizens participate indecision making.Stakeholders, including those from business and industry, commercial andsubsistence farming, and urban and peri-urban residents, have varying needs.Therefore, sharing of resources and planning for social equality is particularlychallenging. Toward this end, the Municipality of Stellenbosch has been divided into19 wards that are no longer determined by race or class. A municipal-wide integrateddevelopment plan (IDP) has emerged out of decisions based on the needs of peoplein each of these 19 areas. Integrated Development Planning is considered theimplementation agent that was developed to meet the goals of the RDP. It promotesan integrated, participatory approach whereby all sectors and affected individualsmust legally be consulted. Compatible with Agenda 21, it is the principle tool for addressing socioeconomic needs of local communities and sustainable servicedelivery (United Nations Economic and Social Council2008). It is a processwhereby communities are consulted and their concerns are meant to be captured inthe IDP, the main tool for carrying public opinion to decision makers. Thisultimately is intended to inform all planning, budget, management, and decisionmaking in a municipality. The history of IDP formation has been discussedelsewhere (see Harrison2006) and scholars have expressed mixed opinion on IDPeffectiveness with the somewhat limited research conducted to date in this area (Harrison et al.2008). Harrison et al. (2008) discuss how IDPs have done little to alter the “ unequal socio-spatial landscape ” while Pieterse (2004;2008) reminds us of  the globalized dimensions of power relations that dominate present planning practice. 1 The RCM arose in the 1940s and 1950s from the notion that there was a shared public interest for government to provide public or collective consumptive goods and services and that these could bedelivered by a single, centralized agency such as the city planning department or commissionimplementing a comprehensive and unitary plan (Davidoff 2003). There was great faith in the applicationof science to policy making and technical professionals played a key role in advising decision makers(Taylor 1998).C. Cash, L. Swatuk    Nevertheless, in South Africa particular attention is given to a participatory planning process, in the belief that social and economic inequality may be overcomethrough inclusive decision making processes. 2 Participatory approaches are not without criticism regardless of geographicalcoordinates. As Irvin and Stansbury (2004) have pointed out, repetitive meetings that involve working out policy decisions and implementation is something that manycitizens prefer to avoid. This escalates in developing country contexts where themain priorities are to provide for families, not spend time in meetings (Russell andVidler 2000). Howell et al. (1987) discuss how the enthusiasm of influential (not  necessarily elite) individuals spreads through communities, diffusing opposition.Using the recent Boschendal development initiative as a case study, this articlereflects on the relevance of the IDP planning model in achieving its stated goals of social equity and environmental sustainability. The supporting evidence presentedfocuses on stakeholder perceptions of the IDP and public participation process. Study Area and Background The Dwars River Valley and BoschendalResearch was conducted in the Dwars River Valley (DRV) which is located in theeastern part of the Municipality of Stellenbosch at geographical coordinates 33°55 ′ 0 ″ South, 18°51 ′ 0 ″ East. Not officially a demarcated area, it is situated in both wards 3and 4, each with their own Municipal Councilor. The magnificent mountainousrange, fertile land and abundant supply of water made it very attractive for Europeanfarmers when they first arrived in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.Work in the valley is primarily seasonal, which contributes to a host of social problems that has resulted in much concern for the actors who are trying to improvethe increasing problems of alcohol, drugs, and crime in the area. There are four maincommunities nestled between privately owned farms within the Dwars River Valley:Pniel, Johannesdal, Lanquedoc, and Kylemore. The history of each of thesecommunities can be traced back to 1834 when a farmer donated a piece of land inwhat is now known as Pniel to be used as a mission station for the newly freedslaves. Residents from Pniel went on to form Johannesdal and Kylemore. Lanquedocwas formed in 1902 when Cecil John Rhodes commissioned Hebert Baker to designand build homes for the people who worked on what is now known as Boschendal.Despite their geographical proximity and shared ecological resource base,historical tensions exist between these communities, and among most stakeholderswithin the valley. 2 Participatory approaches to planning practice have existed in the Global North since the social disruptionof the 1960s as top-down, outcome oriented physical planning was increasingly criticized for impactingmetropolitan areas in the form of  “ urban renewal, low-density development, and spatial and functionalsegregation ” (Fainstein20030, pp. 174). By the time apartheid ended in South Africa, communicativeforms of planning practice with the planner as “ negotiator and intermediary among stakeholders ” had become so widely accepted that it  “ formed planning theory ’ s emerging paradigm ” (Fainstein20030, pp.176; see also, Ostrom1990; United Nations Economic and Social Council2008). Integrated development planning in South Africa   BoschendalThe bulk of the land in the Dwars River Valley is known as “ Boschendal. ” In 1860,the VOC Administration granted land called “ Bossendal ” to Huguenot farmer Johnle Long. It had numerous owners, such as Cecil John Rhodes in 1902 and De Beersfrom 1925  –  1936. In 1969, the land was purchased by Anglo-American Farms(AAF). Still maintaining an established deciduous fruit business, Anglo-Americanlaunched a range of very successful wines under the name “ Boschendal, ” restored properties, and opened a restaurant, primarily catering to international tourists(Limited2007).In 2003, AAF sold the land (9,500 ha of land) for R323 million to a consortium of owners, led by Clive Venning, a South African investor. The consortium was madeup of Venning, a group from Kuwait, a Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) group(led by ANC stalwart Chris Nissen), among others.Documents written by the Boschendal group and Anglo American state that theywanted to recognize the historical role that their farm workers played in thedevelopment of their businesses over the years. Therefore, before the sale occurred,AAF arranged for each worker to receive title deed to a house designed and built with the planning and architectural firm, Dennis Moss Consulting. These homeswere constructed alongside the existing homes in the community of Lanquedoc. 3 Currently, the Boschendal land makes up the majority of land in the DRV with thecommunities of Lanquedoc, Pniel, Johannesdal, and Kylemore on its perimeter.Changing markets have forced the owners of Boschendal to reinvent their business portfolio. Real estate and cattle are replacing agriculture for profitability and theDRV is a preeminent location as the globally acclaimed wine industry attractively positions the area for investors. It is for these reasons that the owners of Boschendalare in the process of constructing a high end residential estate, called the “ FoundersEstates, ” which is Phase One of a proposed two-phased project. Phase One involves protection of 450 ha of agricultural land and restricted development to 18 propertiesof 20 ha each, selling at R14-25 million each (van der Waal2005). The owners of the homes will also have a one percent interest in the Boschendal winery and one percent interest in the historical Rhodes cottage, which will become a club house for the Founders Estates residents (van der Waal2005). Three hundred and eighty-ninesmaller estates of 1  –  10 ha are to be sold at R1.5  –  7.9 million each (van der Waal2005). Phase Two features a walkable community design with a boutique hotel, a retirement villa, sports club, shopping plaza, and health clinic. There are high stakesin this venture as revealed by marketing efforts: Gary Player, the famous SouthAfrican golfer, is a key spokesman for the Boschendal real estate development andwill own one of the Founders Estate homes. 3 This is a very controversial issue as there are basically two views on what happened. AAF andBoschendal claim that removal of the farm workers was to mend historical conflicts between the companyand local people, therefore offering farm workers an opportunity to finally own land. However, criticsclaim that the removal of farm workers was due to concern stemming from potential uproar in post apartheid South Africa for land rights. Therefore, it was necessary to relocate the workers since the use of Boschendal land was going to shift from agricultural land to real estate featuring “ gentlemen ’ s estates. ” Some have also stated that AAF supported the removal of the farm workers to prevent the potential of claims to houses or land (van der Waal,2005).C. Cash, L. Swatuk   Part of the deal between AAF and the Boschendal group was that the newowners had to agree to fulfill a corporate social responsibility role. What emerged from this was an agreement to put into place the BoschendalSustainable Development Initiative (BSDI), created by private planningconsultant Dennis Moss, the Boschendal group, Anglo American and “ TwoRivers Farms, ” which also purchased land from Anglo American in 2003. TheBSDI is positioned as a  “  bioregional planning model ” whereby development  promotes economic growth while protecting the environment and contributing tothe social well being of the surrounding “  previously ” disadvantaged communi-ties. The surrounding communities are deemed to benefit from the BoschendalTreasury Trust (BTT) whereby each community will receive five percent of thevalue of the Founders Estate property upon the first transfer to a new owner and0.5% of the value of any subsequent transfers in perpetuity (Dennis MossPartnership DNP2005). The economic scheme of the trust is as shown in Fig.1: Economic structure of the BTT below. Money from the trust is meant to support  business development in the local communities whereby an individual must  present a convincing business plan for approval among the various “ holders ” of the trust. The trust will be managed by a bank in order to ensure accountability of funds.In order to receive any of the potential funding, the local communities had toapprove Phase One of the Boschendal development. Additionally, the localcommunities were promised a section of land: Pniel was offered land to haveaccess to a  “ silver mine ” on Simonsberg; Kylemore was promised a piece of disputed land; and Lanquedoc was promised a new housing development project andagricultural development (van der Waal2005). Fig. 1 Economic structure of the BTTIntegrated development planning in South Africa 
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