El Salvador and the Internationalisation of Copyright in Isabella Alexander and Tomas Gomez Arostegui (eds) The History of Copyright Law: A Handbook of Contemporary Research (Edward Elgar, 2016)

"El Salvador and the Internationalisation of Copyright" in Isabella Alexander and Tomas Gomez Arostegui (eds) The History of Copyright Law: A Handbook of Contemporary Research (Edward Elgar, 2016)
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  JOBNAME: Alexander PAGE: 1 SESS: 4 OUTPUT: Wed Jan 6 12:14:55 2016 15. El Salvador and the internationalisation of copyright  Jose Bellido * 1. INTRODUCTION No history of copyright can ignore the role of El Salvador as a political experiment inthe internationalisation of copyright. 1 El Salvador served as a crucial test in the attemptto bring Latin America into the international realm. Moreover, El Salvador was used asa catalyst to trigger international copyright. Ironically, its role as a conduit forinternationalisation was played while lacking any domestic copyright law whatsoever.In attempting to construct this history, the chapter focuses on the mediating figure of the Salvadorian diplomat, the Colombian émigré and former Venezuelan representativeJosé María Torres Caicedo (1829–1889). 2 Torres Caicedo took part in most of the * Manuscript sources are from depositories and collections abbreviated as follows: ABR =Archivo Banco de la República, Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, (Bogotá,Colombia), AAEA =Archivo de la Asociación de Artistas y Escritores (Madrid, Spain), AI = Archives Issaverdens[private archives] (Paris, France), AG = Archivo Gutiérrez (Buenos Aires, Argentina), AGN =Archivo General de la Nación (Colombia), AMAE = Archivo del Ministerio de AsuntosExteriores (Madrid, Spain), AN = Archives Nationales (Paris, France), NA = National Archives(Kew, United Kingdom), SB = Schweizerisches Bundesarchiv (Berne, Switzerland), CADN =Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de Nantes (Nantes, France), RSL = Royal Society of Literature Archives (London, United Kingdom)  Clunet   = Journal du Droit International. Thanksto Sandrine Mansour-Merien, Carlos Hernández, Paola Reaño, Silvia Amaya and AntoineIssaverdens for helping me with archival sources. Previous versions of this chapter werepresented at workshops and conferences at the University of Cambridge (2009), GriffithUniversity (2011) and CNRS Paris-Sorbonne (2013). In particular, thanks to Léonard Laborie,Lionel Bently, Céline Paillette, Kathy Bowrey, Isabella Alexander, and Tomás Gómez-Arosteguifor their comments and suggestions. 1 ‘Torres-Caicedo, écrivain distingue et très apprécié comme diplomate. Il représente enFrance plusieurs Etat de l’Amérique du Sud, l’Uruguay, Salvador, etc … Il n’a pas été élu, parcequ’étant seul de son pays, il n’a pas cru devoir se donner sa voix. Nous pensons que l’assembléevoudra bien réparer cette erreur, en l’invitant à prendre au bureau. (Bravo! bravo!)’ Société DesGens De Lettres de France,  Congrès littéraire international de Paris 1878  (Imprimerie CharlesBot 1879) 31. 2 ‘[H]e was subsequently appointed Secretary of the (Colombian) Legation to Paris andMagdalena, Secretary of a Diplomatic Mission to Washington, and Chargé d’ Affaires of Venezuela to France and Holland [ … ] In 1872, however, he accepted the post of Chargéd’Affaires of the Republic of El Salvador’; see ‘Obituary: Torres Caicedo’  The Times  (London,28 September 1889) 6; Mauricio Villacorta, ‘José María Torres Caicedo’  La Unión  (El Salvador,16 November 1889) 1–2. 313 Columns Design XML Ltd / Job: Alexander-Research_handbook_history_of_copyright_law / Division: 18_Chapter15 /Pg. Position: 1 / Date: 22/12  JOBNAME: Alexander PAGE: 2 SESS: 4 OUTPUT: Wed Jan 6 12:14:55 2016 copyright-related discussions held in the late 1870s and the beginning of the 1880s. 3 Henegotiated bilateral agreements and circulated drafts for multilateral treaties. 4 Heintervened at informal gatherings and cocktails, 5 congresses and expositions. 6 Aboveall, he became the president of the most important copyright association at the time, the  Association Littéraire et Artistique Internationale  (ALAI), which he chaired from 1880to 1885. 7 Torres Caicedo’s biography shows us a life full of repetitive episodes, a life of consistent ministerial acts and appearances. 8 With his pencil-thin moustache, with hissmall, nervous body, there he was, always quoted in the relevant publications; heseemed to be everywhere. 9 He appeared publicly and corresponded privately. Hisinterventions were recorded in the minutes of innumerable meetings. 10 Seeminglyalways prepared for the state of affairs, always dispatching, we find a man in action –a man immersed, indeed, in his favourite actions: speaking and writing. For some, hewas no doubt a living example of man as a political animal. More importantly, heembodies something slightly different: a shift in the political choreography of inter-national copyright. Precisely because of his role – the way he both exemplified thishistorical shift and was a part of it – it is interesting therefore to focus not only on his 3 Société Des Gens De Lettres de France (n 2). At this congress he read a significant paperentitled ‘La littérature de l’ Amérique Latine’; see Emilio Carilla ‘José María Torres Caicedo:descubridor de la literatura argentina’ (1989) 2 Thesaurus, 334; see also Sam Ricketson and JaneGinsburg,  International Copyright and Neighbouring Rights: The Berne Convention and Beyond  (OUP 2008) 49. See also dossier ‘Torres Caicedo’AN Fond Société des Gens de Lettres, 454 APà 417. 4 ‘Draft model of an International Literary Convention proposed by His Excellency J.M.Torres Caicedo, Minister from San Salvador at the Courts of Paris and London, for considerationby a Conference of Authors and Representatives of Literary and Artistic Societies, to be held atBerne during the summer of 1883, under the auspices of the Helvetic Consideration’, RSL‘Annual Report (1883)’ 14. 5 Banquet organised because of the military victory of El Salvador, 15 April 1885, reportedin  La Correspondencia de España  (Madrid, 19 April 1885) 2; ‘Banquet to Foreign Visitors’  TheTimes  (London, 13 June 1879) 10. 6 See, for instance, the pamphlet he published on the occasion of the Paris UniversalExposition 1878 on El Salvador: Torres Caicedo and Laferrière,  Noticia Histórica y Estadísticade la República de El Salvador   (Paris, 1878). See also  Diario Oficial  (San Salvador, 6September 1878) 874. 7 His participation at the ALAI Congress in London (1879) is reported in  Bulletin ALAI   (5July 1879) 6. 8 A cursory glance at the most representative sources such as the legal journal  Clunet  ,  Bulletin ALAI   and the  Annuaire  of Industrial and Intellectual Property reveals his ubiquity. Forhis appointment and as the Secretary of the (Colombian) Legation to Paris and Great Britain, see‘Legación de los Estados Unidos de Colombia acerca de los gobiernos de Francia y GranBretaña; libro de correspondencia con el gobierno de Colombia y cónsules de la mismaRepública’ ABR Folios 1–175, vol. 2, Fondo Libros Raros y Manuscritos. His differentdiplomatic representations often caused confusion over his nationality, see ‘Exterior’  La Unión (El Salvador, 18 February 1890) 3. 9 Leopoldo García Remón, ‘Cartas de Paris’,  Revista Contemporánea  (Madrid, 20 Decem-ber 1886) 618–622. 10 Congrès littéraire international de Paris 1878; Conférence Internationale pour la protection de la Propriété Industrielle 1880;  etc. 314  Research handbook on the history of copyright law Columns Design XML Ltd / Job: Alexander-Research_handbook_history_of_copyright_law / Division: 18_Chapter15 /Pg. Position: 2 / Date: 22/12  JOBNAME: Alexander PAGE: 3 SESS: 4 OUTPUT: Wed Jan 6 12:14:55 2016 desire to connect Latin America with the international realm but also on the role that ElSalvador played as a catalyst for the internationalisation of copyright.Representing ‘Latin America’ in the ALAI congresses or in any diplomatic negoti-ation – as Torres Caicedo did – was remarkable, to say the least. Latin America was notan official political entity but just an aspiration. An attempt to represent her inter-nationally had obvious political implications. 11 Clearly, constraints of space hereprevent us from entering into an extended discussion of the consequences of thisnon-existent diplomatic office. However, the particulars of Torres Caicedo’s actions aresignificant. Because his job was that of a diplomat, the defining verb to attach to TorresCaicedo was not merely speaking or writing but something closer to the act of representation. 12 The way he managed the diplomatic tension between secrecy andpublicity was the factor that made him particularly distinctive in international intellec-tual property politics. He constantly swung between representation and action, betweeninquiry and intervention. This privileged position can be seen in the extension of hisplenipotentia. As has been observed by copyright historians, negotiations of intellectualproperty treaties have always been characterised by two features. First, negotiationstended to impose limits on the ability of diplomatic agents to act abroad. 13 That is whythe invitations to both Paris and Berne diplomatic conventions highlighted that theproject was not going to put nations under any obligations until signatures were ratifiedby the adherents’ countries. 14 Second, negotiations were frequently held in secret.Torres Caicedo modified these ways of negotiating in order to make allies. First, he wasable to act without any limitations – whether temporal or otherwise – to reach politicalcompromises. Secondly, he announced the flexibility and the extensive scope of hisplenipotentia to bind the nation he represented (El Salvador) on different occasions.Each of these aided intellectual property negotiations. For instance, in the negotiationsleading to the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property (1883), hemade it public not only that he was ‘authorized to sign the project of the convention’but also that he could anticipate that ‘the Salvadorian parliament was going to passit’. 15 The same wide scope of his power to act and the announcement of his freedom tosign and to bind the country he was representing would also occur at the negotiation of the bilateral copyright treaties between France and El Salvador, and between Spain andEl Salvador. 16 11 See further Jose Bellido, ‘Copyright in Latin America. Experiences of the Making1880–1910’ (PhD, Birkbeck, University of London 2009). 12 Caicedo has ‘brilliantly represented the Republic in France, Belgium, Holland, England,Spain and Germany’: Memoria de los Ramos de Relaciones Exteriores, Justicia y Culto por elseñor Ministro Doctor don Salvador Gallegos,  Diario Oficial  (San Salvador, 18 February1883) 1. 13 Catherine Seville,  The Internationalisation of Copyright Law: Books, Buccaneers and the Black Flag in the Nineteenth Century  (CUP 1999) 66. 14 See note ‘pour le Ministre’, Paris (23 May 1882) CADN, Sous-direction des affairesCommerciales, carton 9. 15 Première Séance, Mardi 6 Mars 1883, Ministère des Affaires Etrangères.  Conférences Internationale pour la protection de la Propriété Industrielle  (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale) 22. 16 Plenipotentiary, San Salvador (12 August 1879) AMAE Siglo XIX, TR 225, exp. 1. El Salvador and the internationalisation of copyright   315 Columns Design XML Ltd / Job: Alexander-Research_handbook_history_of_copyright_law / Division: 18_Chapter15 /Pg. Position: 3 / Date: 22/12  JOBNAME: Alexander PAGE: 4 SESS: 4 OUTPUT: Wed Jan 6 12:14:55 2016 2. EL SALVADOR AS A CATALYST FORINTERNATIONALISATION The role of El Salvador in the internationalisation of copyright is often neglected instandard copyright histories. However, as we shall explain below, the diplomaticintervention of El Salvador was key to the emergence of international copyright. Thedevelopment of an international copyright discourse promoted by ALAI was sustainedfor several years prior to the Berne Convention (1886) thanks to the diplomatic impulsefacilitated by El Salvador. The evidence for this claim is found in the bilateral copyrighttreaties signed by El Salvador and France in 1883, and a year later, between ElSalvador and Spain. 17 Furthermore, this is also supported by the ongoing negotiationsthat took place that same year with Great Britain. All of these diplomatic interactionswere inaugurated by Torres Caicedo representing that small Latin America country, andnot by his European counterparts. The argument in this chapter is that these relationswere strategically promoted by ALAI and not by El Salvador.In order to make his diplomatic representations workable, Torres Caicedo convertedthe obstacle of the small country’s lack of resources into its main resource. Hedeveloped an odd but brilliant tactic. He acted upon acts. Surprisingly Torres Caicedobecame a representative who used representatives. He realised that professional people– from copyright experts to engineers – in Paris were eagerly interested in participatingin world politics. Torres Caicedo nominated famous delegates to help him in the task of representing this ‘petit’ Latin American country in Europe. Conscious of the sensitivepolitical move he was making, he reported quickly to the Salvadorian Foreign Officethat he reserved the final act of signature to himself, but had delegated attendance at thenegotiations to other people. This explains some of the mysterious signatures thatappear on international conventions at the end of the nineteenth century (e.g. for ElSalvador or Haiti). For instance, Torres Caicedo appointed a doctor in physics, thescientist Jules Raynaud (1842–88), as his deputy. That is why we see Raynaud listed,incongruously, as a Salvadorian representative participating in the negotiations of the1872 international telegraph convention. 18 We can also see a second name entering intoour narrative, another more important one for copyright scholars because it connectsagain the Latin American country with the international copyright association parexcellence, ALAI. Jules Lermina, who became ‘the first secretary general of theAssociation Littéraire International’, 19 a key name in copyright historiography, wasappointed second secretary of the Republic of El Salvador. 20 These two appointments 17 ‘Convenio entre España y El Salvador (1884)’, AMAE, TR 225, exp 1 (and thedocuments regarding this convention published in the  Bulletin AEA , 1884. The officialpublication in El Salvador was  Diario Oficial  (San Salvador, 12 August 1884) 1. 18 ‘Memoria’ (n 12) 1; See also  Colección de Tratados Internacionales firmados por la República de Costa Rica  (Tipografía Nacional 1901), 303. For a biographical note on Raynaud;see Andrew J Butrica, ‘Baudot, Jean-Maurice Emile’, in Fritz E Froehlich and Allen Kent (eds), Froehlich/Kent Encyclopaedia of Telecommunications: Volume 2 – Batteries  (Marcel Dekker1996) 31–33. 19 Sam Ricketson and Jane Ginsburg,  International Copyright and Neighbouring Rights , vol1 (OUP 2006) 51; see also ‘The Literary Congress’  New York Times  (16 October 1892). 20 Torres Caicedo to Marquis de Salisbury (5 March 1880) NA FO66/25. 316  Research handbook on the history of copyright law Columns Design XML Ltd / Job: Alexander-Research_handbook_history_of_copyright_law / Division: 18_Chapter15 /Pg. Position: 4 / Date: 22/12  JOBNAME: Alexander PAGE: 5 SESS: 4 OUTPUT: Wed Jan 6 12:14:55 2016 are extraordinary examples of the use of diplomatic resources for cosmopolitanenterprises. Neither Lermina nor Raynaud knew much about El Salvador orSalvadorian politics. However, their appointments illustrate one key issue in the historyof international copyright: El Salvador was used by Torres Caicedo and ALAI as anexperiment to test the possibility of making copyright international. 21 3. THE FRANCO-SALVADORIAN COPYRIGHT TREATY Surprisingly, France made her first successful move in negotiating Latin Americanbilateral copyright agreements as a response to an invitation .  Even more intriguing, itwas not really a move: it was a response to a call made in Paris itself. When in Octoberof 1879 WH Waddington, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, received a letter fromthe Legation of El Salvador in Paris, he would certainly have been astonished to readthat the tiniest country of Latin America was asking for an ‘efficient legal remedy’ tothoroughly secure the property of ‘works of the intellect’. 22 At that point in history,reading about a country on the other side of the Atlantic not blessing but condemningpiracy was something quite unforeseen. Because of that, it generated not only apersonal but also a systemic surprise. Neither a programme nor a project forestablishing Latin American copyright negotiations existed in France’s Foreign Minis-try until then. The institutional climate was one of reluctance or indifference due to theslowness of communications, ignorance of laws, difficulty of translations, and lack of interest when providing instructions. However, these problems faded at precisely thispoint. The route taken by that specific diplomatic letter was unusual. Such a bizarretransmission leads us to question whether that letter was expected or not and makes usdoubt whether it actually came as a surprise. The letter arrived from a few blocks awaywith a recognisable signature: ‘Torres Caicedo’. As we have seen, Torres Caicedo wasa man of influence, well connected in Paris, 23 whose presidential position at ALAI hadearned him renown amongst those interested in international copyright. 24 The missive had been written a few days after the famous literary and artisticcongress held in London (1879). 25 The event had been widely publicised. Reports of the ‘comments’ and ‘decisions’ articulated at the ALAI congress in London, and the 21 E´tienne Bricon,  Des droits auteurs dans les rapports internationaux  (Rousseau 1888)128: [‘En 1880, la France signait une convention littéraire avec la République du Salvador: c’estla gloire du Ministre de cet Etat, M. Torres Caicedo, d’avoir personnellement réalise cette œuvreui est vraiment une œuvre grande et srcinale’]. 22 Torres Caicedo to Waddington (22 October 1879) CADN, Sous-direction des affairesCommerciales, Amérique Centrale, carton 120. See also  Chronique du Journal général del’Imprimerie et de la Librairie  (Paris, 26 March 1881) 53–60. 23 Oswaldo Holguín Callo, ‘Palma y Torres Caicedo: una amistad literaria’ (1984) 30 Fénix234. 24 The President of El Salvador was appointed a member of the Comité d’Honneur of ALAI. See letter from Zaldívar to the President of ALAI (23 August 1879)  Bulletin ALAI  (Oct/Nov 1879) 8. 25 Jean Cavalli,  La genèse de la convention de Berne sur La Protection Internationale desŒuvres de Littéraires et Artistique s (Université de Lausanne 1986) 141–55. El Salvador and the internationalisation of copyright   317 Columns Design XML Ltd / Job: Alexander-Research_handbook_history_of_copyright_law / Division: 18_Chapter15 /Pg. Position: 5 / Date: 22/12
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