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   ARS  TWO STRUCTURE O SHE   ZAMHIBARI   SYSTEM   COM ARATIVE   STUDY OF   FGRTX-OEE   EST TES'   111 IHTROBUCTIOIThe   zamindari   system   underwent   considerable   changes   after   its  foundation   in 793   by   Cornwallis,   and   by   the   late nineteenth   century   came to   take  on   monstrous   features   mainly   due   to   subin   feudation.   The   famous Patni   Regulation   of   8 9 and   a  series   of   sale   laws   were  two   major   factors that   gave   impetus   to  this   development.^   Both   of   them   paved  the   way   for  the   proliferation   of   subinfeudation   on   an   unprecedented scale   by   laying   down   rules   for   arranging in   order   various   conflicting   landed  interests   and   for protecting   the   interests   of each   rung   in   the   tenurial   structure.   The   zamindari   system   of our   period thus*   took   the form   of   a   network   of   diverse   landed  interests from  zamindari   estates   down   to   se-natni or   oaat-taluk   or   even   lower   kinds   of tenures. Scholarly   British   administrators   of the   late nineteenth   century saw   the   peculiarity   of the land system   of   Bengal in   this^For,   the  Patni   Regulation,   see  Taniguchi,   'The  Patni   System/   Brief   discussion   on   the role   of   sale laws   in  subinfeudation   process w n   be   found   in   R.   .   Chaudhary,   The   British   Agrarian   Pnji-ny   Eastern   India.   Bengal  and   Bib  **   1R5Q-80   (Patna.   1980)c   chap. ã  3   G   H d  ow  ro  o   .   G  m  UU   rvenue  4   'l   SO C   D PeM LwK  td Rkv*   avA ^   *r   V ? vU   C* ” .T^TyEc tbKa u»A» < 3 Nm H Ahfc Nw H   A LK ^V K xm W   ? '$   d> Op^&r '* i   NaMc X   p* « ■   L*   N*~A& H  WfW  -W^ M   jeKp&W C  fupg   « — —   w   —   * 1 M   %   y w i   < n   Ted   z   m Mb   T Lchtyd  & $ fx<   k c b B-me Plruev iShfcu fwc   om pymn   o rcVcfu   >   GoBYmnE cb   AwQ t 2 , *   HatVSB ienfdo F*  YV es G m  Eame * QaVX   TcdM or   KtCna<w R   «c DnJ   55 excessive   subinfeudation   and   wrote detailed accounts   of   it-   2   The   famous   chart  prepared   by   0.   I) Field   makes a   good example   of   their   efforts in   this   direction   (Figure   22).   And   they   tended   to   empha - size that   tdie   zamlndars   were   separated   from   the actual   tillers   of   the   soil   by   innumerable   rungs   of   Intermediate  tenure-holders.   It   is   here   that   a   fundamental question   as   to the   nature   of  the   zamindari  system   arises:   low   then   was   it  possible   for   the   zamlndars,   or   the   landlord class  in   general,   to   exact rents   from   the   raiyats?The   object   of   land ownership   is  to  appropriate   surplus labour   from   the cultivators  in   the  form   of   rent,   whether   in   labour, in   kind   or   in   money.   And   Kohachiro   Takahashi   has   once  pointed out that  in   a   precapitalist   society the  appropriation   of surplus   labour takes   place  directly,   by   'extra-economic   coercion*   without the 2 mediation   of  the   economic  laws   of   commodity exchange.   The   B.   H.   Baden-Fowell,   The   Land-Systems   of   British   India   3   vols.   (London,   892)   vol. .   50 -553:   0.   D.   Field.   Land-holding   and   the   Relation   of   Landlord   and   Tenant   in   Vayioua   Countries (Calcutta.   883)   705-4.28   Hunter   Statistical   Account   vol. 5 pp. 96- 00,   324-5,   365-79,   448-53. 2 Kohachiro  Takahashi,   'A   Contribution,   p.33.   By   the word   ãcommodity   exchange'   Takahashi   means   the   exchange  in   a   free  market   of   commodities   owned   by  independent   citizens   of   a   bourgeois   society.   He   does   not.deny   the   existence   of   commodity   production   in   a   precapitalist   society. As  to   the  term   ' extra-economic   coercion   (or   compulsion)'   'ausser   oekonomischer   Zwang'   in   srcinal  German   he   refers  to   the famous   passage in   Karl   Marx's   Capital   Marx   writes: It is clear,   too,   that in   all   forms   where   the   actual   worker   himself   remains  the   'possessor*   of   the   means  of   production   and   the conditions   of   labour   needed   for   the   production   of   his   own   means of subsistence,   the   property   relationship   mist   appear  at  the   same   time   as   a   direct   relationship of   domination   and   tiie  direct  producer   therefore   as  an   unfree   person   an   unfreedom   which   may   undergo a   progressive   attenuation   from   serfdom   with   statute-labour   down   to   a   mere   tribute  obligation.   The  direct   producer   in   this   case  is   by   our   assumption   in   possession   of   his own   means of   production,   the   objective
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