Politics

Peter Dale Scott and His Contribution to Understanding American Politics And the Human Condition

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Peter Dale Scott, with his book Deep Politics and the Death of JFK (1993) established the basis for our understanding of how multiple entities could be involved in the Kennedy assassination and its cover-up -- a concept New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison unsuccessfully attempted to address in the Clay Shaw trial. Scott paved the way to understanding the nature of an American Coup d'etat. He reveals what's gone wrong in American politics today. Scott's biography and one of his political poems is offered, along with his CV, presenting a broad portrait of the author that supplants Wikipedia's inadequate biographical entry.
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  Peter Dale Scott and His Contribution to Understanding AmericanPolitics and the Human Condition By Judyth Vary BakerAnti-conspiracy writers have long sneered at the many critics who have steppedforth exhibiting concern over the findings of the Warren Commission and other U.S.government-sponsored investigations regarding tragic assassinations and theresultant decline of American civilization into the twenty-first century due to war,corruption, lies to the public, and sheer, unregulated greed. A common complaintof Official Version defenders had been that their critics lacked the mental moxieneeded to qualify as such. But astride both centuries stands the Colossus of American political analysis – Peter Dale Scott – spanning the gap between socio-political myth and reality, guiding the safe passage of truth to port in thesetroubling times. From his own website: Biography  Peter Dale Scott, a former Canadian diplomat and English Professor at theUniversity of California, Berkeley, is a poet, writer, and researcher. He wasborn in Montreal in 1929, the only son of the poetF.R. Scott and the painter  Marian Scott.He is married to Ronna Kabatznick;and he has three children,Cassie, Mika, andJohn Scott,by a previous marriage to Maylie Marshall.His prose books include The War Conspiracy  (1972), The Assassinations: Dallas and Beyond  (incollaboration, 1976), Crime and Cover-Up: The CIA, the Mafia, and the Dallas-WatergateConnection (1977), The Iran-Contra Connection (in collaboration, 1987), Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America (in collaboration, 1991, 1998), Deep Politics and the Death of JFK  (1993,1996), Deep Politics Two  (1994, 1995, 2006), Drugs Oil and War   (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield,March 2003), The Road to 9/11 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), and The War Conspiracy:JFK, 9/11, and the Deep Politics of War  (Ipswich, MA: Mary Ferrell Foundation Press, 2008). His chief poetry books are the three volumes of his trilogy Seculum : Coming to Jakarta: A Poem About   Terror  (1989), Listening to the Candle: A Poem on Impulse (1992), and Minding the Darkness: A Poem for the Year 2000  . In addition he has published Crossing Borders: Selected Shorter Poems (1994), published inCanada as Murmur of the Stars . In November 2002 he was awarded the Lannan Poetry Award. A new bookof poems, Mosaic Orpheus ,will appear in Spring 2009 from McGill-Queen's University Press.An anti-war speaker during the Vietnam and Gulf Wars, he was a co-founder of the Peace and ConflictStudies Program at UC Berkeley, and of the Coalition on Political Assassinations (COPA).His poetry has dealt with both his experience and his research, the latter of which has centered on U.S. covertoperations, their impact on democracy at home and abroad, and their relations to the John F. Kennedyassassination and the global drug traffic. The poet-critic Robert Hass has written (  Agni  , 31/32, p. 335) that Coming to Jakarta is the most important political poem to appear in the English language in a very longtime. …This website is dedicated to helping to promote an informed public opinion that is both local andinternational. I particularly want to thank those who have sent me supportive or informative emails from 37countries: Great Britain, Sweden, Norway, Finland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, France, Spain,Portugal, Italy, Switzerland, Austria, Czech Republic, Poland, Russia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Turkey,Israel, South Africa, Pakistan, Singapore, China, Japan, India, Thailand, Indonesia, Australia, New Zealand,Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, Chile, Brazil, Canada (plus 3 more from visitors in Ecuador, Bolivia, andNepal). Special thanks to the visiting professor in Singapore, who said that he was forwarding this URL to hisfriends in China. I wish also to thank friends who have forwarded useful material, such as the important IrishTimes story on bin Laden, the US, and oil, that first reached me via Indonesia from Qatar.I do believe that international public opinion, when it becomes powerful enough, will become the mosteffective restraint to the excesses and follies of particular governments . From Spartacus, we can obtain the following quotations from Scott’s writings,showing both his depth of logic and the consistency of his thought: (1) Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK  (1993) At the first meeting of the newly constituted Warren Commission, Allen Dulles handed out copies of abook to help define the ideological parameters he proposed for the Commission's forthcoming work.American assassinations were different from European ones, he told the Commission. Europeanassassinations were the work of conspiracies, whereas American assassins acted alone. Someone wasalert enough to remind Dulles of the Lincoln assassination, when Lincoln and two members of his cabinetwere shot simultaneously in different parts of Washington. But Dulles was not stopped for a second: yearsof dissembling in the name of intelligence were not to fail him in this challenge. He simply retorted thatthe killers in the Lincoln case were so completely under the control of one man (John Wilkes Booth), thatthe three killings were virtually the work of one man.Dulles's logic here (or, as I prefer to call it, his paralogy) was not idiosyncratic, it was institutional. As wehave seen, J. Edgar Hoover had already, by November 25, committed his own reputation and the Bureauto the conclusion that Oswald had done it, and acted alone. Chief Justice Warren knew this, yet said atthe same meeting, We can start with the premise that we can rely upon the reports of the variousagencies that have been engaged in the investigation. John J. McCloy spoke for the extra-governmentalestablishment when he added that it was of paramount importance to show the world that America is nota banana republic, where a government can be changed by conspiracy.   (2) Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK  (1993) FBI documents released in 1979 show other instances in which key information was either altered beforeit reached the Warren Commission, or else withheld altogether. For example, judging from WarrenCommission records, the FBI covered up Jack Ruby's connections to organized crime. The Commissiondid not receive an important interview with Luis Kutner, a Chicago lawyer who had just told the press(correctly) about Ruby's connections to Chicago mobsters Lennie Patrick and Dave Yaras. All the FBItransmitted was a meaningless follow-up interview in which Kutner merely said he had no additionalinformation.Apparently the FBI also failed to transmit a teletype revealing that Yaras, a national hit man for theChicago syndicate who had grown up with Ruby, and who had been telephoned by one of Ruby'sTeamster contacts on the eve of the assassination, was about to attend a hoodlum meeting of top Eastand West Coast syndicate representatives, including some from the family of the former Havana crimelord Santos Trafficante.   (3) Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK  (1993) Such an explanation is less plausible for the FBI's interference with leads that appeared to be guiding itsagents to the actual assassins of the President - a case, seemingly, of obstruction of justice, or worse.How else should one assess the response of FBI headquarters to a report from Miami that Joseph AdamsMilteer, a white racist with Klan connections, had in early November 1963 correctly warned that a plot tokill the President from an office building with a high-powered rifle was already in the working ? Thesewords are taken from a tape-recording of a discussion between Milteer and his friend, Miami policeinformant Bill Somersett. Miami police provided copies of this tape to both the Secret Service and the FBIon November 10, 1963, two weeks before the assassination, and this led to the cancellation of a plannedmotorcade for the President in Miami on November 18.20Although an extremist, Milteer was no loner. Southern racists were well organized in 1963, in response tofederal orders for desegregation; and Milteer was an organizer for two racist parties, the National StatesRights party and the Constitution party. In addition he had attended an April 1963 meeting in New Orleansof the Congress of Freedom, Inc.,which had been monitored by an informant for the Miami police. A Miami detective's report of theCongress included the statement that there was indicated the overthrow of the present government of the United States, including the setting up of a criminal activity to assassinate particular persons. Thereport added that membership within the Congress of Freedom, Inc., contain high ranking members of the armed forces that secretly belong to the organization. In other words, the deep politics of racist intrigue had become intermingled, in the Congress aselsewhere, with the resentment within the armed forces against their civilian commander. Perhaps themost important example in 1963 was that of General Edwin Walker, whom Oswald was accused of stalking and shooting at. Forced to retire in 1962 for disseminating right-wing propaganda in the armedforces, Walker was subsequently arrested at the Ole Miss anti-desegregation riots. Nor was the FBIitself exempt from racist intrigue: Milteer, on tape, reported detailed plans for the murder of Martin Luther King, Jr., whom Hoover's FBI, by the end of 1963, had also targeted for (in their words) neutralizing ... asan effective Negro leader. Four days after the assassination Somerset! reported that Milteer had been jubilant about it: Everythingran true to form. I guess you thought I was kidding you when I said he would be killed from a window witha high-powered rifle. Milteer also was adamant that he had not been guessing in his srcinal prediction.In both of the relevant FBI reports from Miami, Somersett was described as a source who had furnishedreliable information in the past.     (4) Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK  (1993) To sum up, it would appear that Bobby Kennedy, consciously or not, had targeted a number of figures,such as Sam Giancana, James Plumeri, and perhaps even Jimmy Hoffa, who were simultaneouslyintelligence assets. Well-placed informants and/or their government handlers have furthermore implicatedmembers of this intelligence-mob connection in the coalition of forces that retaliated by killing thePresident. The House Committee Report, steadfastly refusing to look at Ruby's very pronouncedconnection to this intelligence-mob milieu, provided instead a distorted governmental account of La CosaNostra, from which the intelligence connections had been systematically expunged. But if Blakey wasresponsible in repeating the opinion that those who killed Kennedy killed Giancana as well, it becomeseven more important to know who was the CIA guy, who (according to FBN and DEA informant CharlesCrimaldi) used someone from the underworld to kill Giancana.After so many years, some of the mob members of this milieu are now notorious - notably John Rosselli,Santos Trafficante, Carlos Marcello, and Sam Giancana. Others - Barney Baker, Dave Yaras, IrwinWeiner - have been known for years to researchers. (4) Peter Dale Scott, The Nation (20th March, 2006) In the June 1994 Reviews in American History, you published an essay by Max Holland concerning mybook, Deep Politics, which he had already attacked in the Wilsonian Quarterly. His article opens with areference to fantastic conspiracies through innuendo, presumption, and pseudo-scholarship (p. 191); itcloses with his own innuendo about palpable, cunningly manufactured falsehoods (p. 209).Surely it is gross intellectual cowardice to allege or imply falsehoods without supporting this accusation.One might have thought that in a 19-page attack on my opaque prose and fevered imagination (p.191), there would be at least a paragraph dealing with what I had actually written. I can actually find onlyone dependent clause on the penultimate page, referring to the fantasy that Kennedy was on the vergeof pulling out from South Vietnam (p. 208). Even this is not very close to what I actually wrote: that inlate 1963 Kennedy had authorized an initial withdrawal of... troops... to be substantially completed by theend of 1965 (Deep Politics, p. 24). I went on to note how time after time... critics, from Leslie Gelb in theTimes to Alexander Cockburn in the Nation, have replaced this verifiable issue of fact by an unverifiableone: whether or not JFK would have pulled the United States out of Vietnam (pp. 25-26). Holland, a long-time Nation editor, has, you will note, once again resorted to this simple trick of devious substitution.Why do we find in an academic journal the turgid rant and wildly mixed metaphors ( unfathomablecrossroads, p. 193) of the Nation? Holland demonstrates at the outset that he has done no basicresearch on Oswald, whom he believes to be the only person important in the case. He writes that Prior to that Friday [November 22, 1963], no one called him Lee Harvey Oswald (p. 193). In fact he had beencalled Lee Harvey Oswald in newspaper accounts of his 1959 defection to the USSR (and 1962 return) inthe New York Times, Washington Post, New York Herald Tribune, Washington Star, Fort Worth Press,etc. to name only some of those press accounts filed under Lee Harvey Oswald by the FBI, ONI, TexasDepartment of Public Safety, etc. (It is true that the CIA chose for its own reasons of state to label one of its three files on Oswald Lee Henry Oswald, but Holland would be very foolish to adduce this as proof that to the CIA Oswald was unimportant.) The very first State Department cable from Moscow (1304 of 10/31/59) referred to Lee Harvey Oswald, and this cable was also filed by other federal governmentagencies, as well as reproduced in the Warren Commission volumes (18 WH 105). Holland's theorizingabout the ignored Oswald's supposed desire to prove his central importance (p. 199) is based on, andmisled by, perverse secondary sources -- notably Gerald Posner's Case Closed.Holland also has it wrong when he says that the FBI and CIA had lied by omission (my italics) to the[Warren] Commission (p. 204). Officials of both agencies had lied in much more constructive ways, to theCommission as well as to each other. The CIA for example supplied a radically falsified version of Lee
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